Distribution of actions against persons carried out by the BR 1969-79. From  Filetti F., Per una geografia della lotta armata, in Neri Serneri S. (a cura di), Verso la lotta armata. La politica della violenza nella sinistra radicale degli anni Settanta, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2012, pp. 341- 366.

Distribution of actions against persons carried out by the BR 1969-79. From Filetti F., Per una geografia della lotta armata, in Neri Serneri S. (editor), Verso la lotta armata. La politica della violenza nella sinistra radicale degli anni Settanta, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2012, pp. 341- 366.


What does it mean to construct the organization of proletarian power in the current period of the class war?

In this period in which the restructuring of the state has reached a point where it can no longer tolerate any proletarian struggle which steps outside the operational schema of capital accumulation, in this period in which the regime tends to absorb and corporatize the privileged strata of society and the organizations which represent them, in this period in which bourgeois power cannot and will not accept mediation with the communist vanguard of the movement, and prepares the instruments for its annihilation (special laws, special police, special prisons, a special State); in this period in which any moment of autonomous proletarian organization is confronted by the regime with armed force, with a plan for the extermination of worker resistance; in this period in which the bourgeois has launched the counter-revolutionary war, what does it mean to construct proletarian power?

First of all we must understand that we are not faced with a plan for the temporary limitation of bourgeois democratic liberties, that is to say the closure of some “legal space” in the State of law, but more accurately put we face the rampage of counter-revolutionary imperialist reaction. So it is not a matter of complaining about repression, but of going further, developing the revolutionary class war.

When the infamous special laws are implemented to eliminate the communist vanguard, to close the offices of autonomy, to intern its militants, to put the urban centers in a state of siege, to prevent the anti-imperialist struggle on the streets, it is real political suicide-physical as well-to insist on legalist positions which if they are not opportunistic reversals, are reduced to a pure wishful adventurism.

One must understand that in the new period, the only possibility for the development of proletarian antagonism and initiative is given with gun in hand, and the new tasks of the communist vanguard relate to the organization of the armed struggle for communism.

To organize proletarian power today, means to identify the strategic lines along which the revolutionary confrontation advances, and to articulate everything on the basis of this, the armed attack against the fundamental political, economic and military centers of the imperialist State.

To organize proletarian power today means to strategically organize the armed struggle for communism, to learn to live, move and fight in the new situation. We must not panic in the face of the ferocity of the enemy and overestimate the force and efficiency of his instruments of annihilation. We can and must live clandestinely among the people, because this is a condition for the existence and development of the revolutionary class war in the imperialist State.

It is in this sense that we talk about the “strategic content of clandestinity” the “indispensable means of revolutionary struggle in this period” while at the same time warning against any other interpretations both defensive and mystical. A multitude of false conceptions and prejudices have spread around clandestinity. There are those who give credit to the propaganda of the enemy which repeats endlessly that the guerrillas are holed up in the darkest “dens”, that the communist guerrillas are mysterious individuals like devilish Martians, perpetually hunted and constantly on the run, basically inaccessible to the “common people”. The undeniable efficiency of the guerrilla results for such people from a “mythic” clandestinity which would make the militants a species of super human. Other have set out an absurd equation: “legality” is equal to the movement and as a logical corollary “clandestinity” is equal to “estrangement from the movement. These people think of clandestinity as at most a way to safety for individual comrades or a means of parrying the repressive attacks of the enemy. We have mentioned these two extreme positions, because they include everything within the entire spectrum of the “mythical” or “defensive” and profoundly erroneous concepts of clandestinity. They do not capture, except superficially the characteristics of the protracted revolutionary class war.

The class war, is not the war of a chosen few, it must bring ever wider strata of the proletariat to mobilize and fight against the imperialist monster, proletarian power, therefore develops along “interior lines” to the movement and the organizations which are intermixed and permeated with the armed communist vanguard.

However, in the protracted war waged in the imperialist metropole, site of maximum concentration of the brutal force of imperialism, and where the revolutionary forces have to operate under conditions of “strategic encirclement”, to permanently maintain the offensive and consistently consolidate the organization of proletarian power, is possible only the basis of the most rigid clandestinity.

All of the experience of our organization confirms that only with this approach is it possible to strategically develop the revolutionary offensive and that clandestinity is not really an impediment to its articulation “amongst the people”, but is rather an indispensable condition for the manifestation of proletarian power.

In the factories, in the neighborhoods, in the schools, in the prisons, and wherever imperialist oppression manifests, to organize proletarian power means: carrying the attack to the specific determinations of the imperialist State while simultaneously building the unity of the metropolitan proletariat in the proletarian movement of offensive resistance and the unity of the communists in the combatant communist party!