in order to transform the process of the creeping civil war, which remains dispersed and disorganized, into a general offensive, led in accordance with a unitary plan, it is necessary to develop and unify the movement of proletarian resistance constructing the Combatant Communist Party. However, Movement and Party should not be confused. There is a dialectical relation between them, but it is not a relation of identity: in other words it is the class which is the source of the force, the impulses, indications, stimuli and needs which the communist vanguard must collect, centralize and synthesize, producing solid and finalized theory and organization, bringing it back to the class in the form of a strategic line of combat, program and mass structure of proletarian power. That is to say that the correct path we must follow starts from the class in order to arrive at the Party and starts from the Party in order to return again, in a more mature form to the class.

The PCC before it is an organizational structure, is a politico-military vanguard which is actually ahead of everyone, which maps the way forward for the entire movement, which can be recognized through its revolutionary initiative as the most advanced part of the proletariat.

To act as a Party means to situate your own politico-military initiative within and at the highest point of the proletarian offensive, that is to say to the principle contradiction and to its dominant aspect in each conjuncture and to be, in fact, the point of unification of the proletarian movement of offensive resistance, its perspective of power.

Hence the construction of the PCC does not mean a additive or federative aggregation of the various “partial movements” or “local groups”, but the construction of all of the mediations necessary in order to accomplish organizational and political leaps in the proletarian movement of offensive resistance, from the partial to the complex, from the particular to the general. In order to do this, it is important to wage within the MRPO an ideological and political struggle against the economist-spontaneist tendency which results in armed minoritarianism and paradoxically in militarism. And simultaneously against the bureaucratic-minoritarian tendency which sees the construction of the PCC as a process of pure organizational growth, which occurs outside of the class movement and separated from it.

But in order for this political and ideological struggle to avoid a reduction to sterile polemic, it must tend towards the unification of the movement: the armed vanguard must strive for all of its politico-military initiatives and organizational forms to be capable of establishing moments of discussion and unity even if it is still only partial and contradictory, because it is only this discussion that the necessary clarification on the program, principles and organizational form of the PCC can begin.

To act as a Party also means to give armed initiative a dual character: it must be directed at the disarticulation of the State machinery and rendering it dysfunctional while simultaneously projecting itself into the mass movement, giving politico-military direction in order to orientate, mobilize, lead and organize the MPRO towards anti-imperialist civil war.

This role of disarticulation, propaganda and organization must be performed at all levels of opposition to the capitalist state and at all levels of the composition of the class. There are no levels of conflict which are “too low” or “too high”. There are however levels of conflict which strike and erode the imperialist project and strategically organize the proletariat and those which do not. These are the two elements which qualify armed action and not the military difficulties which the accomplishment of a determinate objective entails: clearly the more the attack is successful and disarticulates the central organs of the state, the more organizational force will be deployed, but this is secondary. Strategically it is just as important to destroy the central organs of the State, as it is to destroy its particular articulations which run throughout the social body. Strategically it is just as important to construct a organized and centralized capacity to exercise proletarian power as it is to construct its articulations within the working class and the metropolitan proletariat, in the factories, the neighborhoods, everywhere.

Therefore, there is not a contradiction between the mass line and the role of the vanguard, nor a dichotomy between the practice of the movement and armed action.

But action as a Party, in the current situation also entails another matter of concern: extending the presence of the guerrilla throughout all areas. In particular this places on the agenda the necessity of breaking down the “Southern barrier”, of connecting within the same strategic perspective who live and fight in the upper part of the peninsula and those who live and fight in its lower part. Now, there no longer exists a “southern question”. The logic of the development of the imperialism of the multinationals has objectively unified the proletariat, now it is up to the guerrilla to unify it subjectively as well.

Naples, Taranto, Sicily and Sardinia, experience more intensely then ever the devastating economic, social and political contradictions produced by the “strategy of crisis” imposed by imperialism and the multinationals therefore it is not the case that the organization in these centers of a offensive resistance movement which is unprecedented in its scope, intensity and revolutionary maturity is the result of the “rage of underdevelopment”.

To act as a Party, means in these circumstances to work for the unification of the proletariat, in order to affirm also among the proletarian masses concentrated in the southern centers and in the islands the strategic perspective of anti-imperialist class war for communism.

The Red Brigades are not the Combatant Communist Party, but a armed vanguard which works within the metropolitan proletariat for its construction. While we assert that there is no identity between the BR and the Combatant Party, we assert with equal clarity that the armed vanguard must “act as a Party” from the beginning. The process of political and programatic construction and organizational production of the PCC is a discontinuous, dialectical, process, the conscious product of a politico-military vanguard which, within the overall phenomena of the class war, asserts the validity of the strategic perspective and the communist program which it supports, and the adequacy of the organizational instrument necessary for its realization. It thereby constitutes an essential point of reference, as a “strategic nucleus” of the PCC, from its beginning.

This is why, and not out of presumption, that we chose to set down in the November 75’ Resolution of the Strategic Directorate, the organizational principles which form the basis of our organization, and which we believe have a strategic value. Their severe and rigorous verification in struggle, in military practice, has demonstrated their capacity to led the fight and construct the organization of the proletariat which leads us to reaffirm them without any uncertainty. The experience had so far has comprehensively enriched the politico-organizational patrimony accumulated in our Organization, which in general has found its evolution, just as the class war has developed.

In the current period, the schema of Columns, Revolutionary Committees, Brigades, of regular and irregular forces, of clandestinity and compartmentalization, are still indispensable and consolidated main points of our organizational formulation; with regards to the Combat Fronts clarification is required which was not possible at the time of their formulation, a redefinition in the light of the needs and tasks which have emerged in the new period.


On the political level we define “Combat Fronts” as specific and sectoral terrains to which the revolutionary attack against the strategic articulations of the SIM and the imperialist bourgeois is directed and within which it is possible to organize proletarian power in a process of unification of the revolutionary proletariat. On the organizational level they have been established by our organization in order to respond to the need for the elaboration and homogenization of the program of work and struggle in specific sectors.

We have seen that the principle contradiction is that which opposes the class to the Imperialist State, as the confrontation which is played out, essentially between armed proletarian power and the counter-revolution. We have seen, that for the revolutionary vanguard the question of the class war consists in seizing the leadership of this confrontation between revolution and reaction, of charting the guidelines of action of the movement in its totality, and in its capacity to realize a strategic project of attack on the “heart of the state”.

Which in the final analysis means the “party”, which has implications for the organizational structures, and concerns their role, their relation and the specific weight of each of the various instances of leadership and of work. The Fronts, which respond to the need to deepen the analysis and definition of the terrain of the confrontation in the period in which the class war increasingly takes on the connotation of a widespread civil war, are the privileged instrument for carrying out the task of political leadership. The qualitative leap which makes it possible to tackle the contradictions at the higher level of conflict with the State requires a work methodology which can be defined in the following: from strategic program (which is to say the highest point of the class contradiction) through the fronts and into the Brigades.

The Fronts are vectors of the political line of the organization, which enter into a dialectical relation with the areas of intervention (the Columns), which assume the role of class terrains in which the general political line is mediated and articulated with the realities of the movement.


The Leninist categories of “imperialist chain” and “weak link” which are determined by the structural necessity of uneven development for capital, are today set out in a exceptionally obvious way in the Mediterranean region; in the course of the development of the crisis the line of demarcation between revolution and counter-revolution is no longer at the border but shifts ever closer towards the center of the imperialist metropole. Actually within the global imperialist chain, all of Southern Europe and Northern Africa represents a delicate point determined by the combination of two contradictions, both of which imperialism can only resolve with war.

The first is that between North and South between development and “underdevelopment”, a contradiction destined for continual unavoidable aggravation by the deepening of the crisis; the second is that between imperialism and social imperialism, here confronting one another in a region which is vital for both, with major points of instability, and which is, furthermore, the determinate point for the control of the middle east, strategic because of its oil reserves. It is this duality of contradictions which makes the situation extremely fluid, and the increasingly massive diplomatic and military presence of imperialism, does not demonstrate its strength in this sector, but on the contrary its strategic weakness.

In the countries of this region, a significant proportion of the maturing contradictions of the crisis of capital have been discharged, and this has caused a rupture of the total preexisting economic, social and political balance, generating a violent acceleration of the class confrontation, which at its highest points has reached the phase of civil war, creeping or even open: (eg Italy, Turkey and Lebanon). Italy contains both of these contradictions; in fact, underdevelopment as a function of development is already a historical problem for us; and now the division between developed and underdeveloped areas tends to grow, not only in relative but also in absolute terms, generating always more explosive contradictions.

The contradiction between imperialism and social imperialism is internalized with the presence of the strongest “Communist” party and the most extensive state capitalism in Western Europe. All this must be taken into account in the proletariat’s strategy for liberation. Final province of the empire, Italy functions as the asshole and garbage bag of Europe, that is to say the area assigned a less then inspiring role in the international division: paying with the super-exploited work and uncontrolled unemployment of our proletariat a large share of the costs of the general crisis of the system; functioning as a shock absorber in relation to the stronger “links”, doing the dirty-heavy-dangerous-toxic-murderous work that no one, really no one, wants to do.

It is also an aspect of the guerrilla to refuse the condition of the “white-negros” of imperialism, to refuse the economic, political, cultural, scientific and psychological subalternity which the Christian Democrat fifth column wants to impose at any cost. The guerrilla means to refuse placement among “Series B countries” within the western democratic system, not as a matter of metropolitan chauvinism, but because we refuse to envision our future within the limits of the capitalist mode of production and in complicity with imperialism which is the worst enemy of the people and the world proletariat. We will defeat imperialism! And we will do it together with all the force around the world who have taken up arms and began to struggle.


Developing its attack against the SIM, the guerrilla is necessarily also defined as a metropolitan front of the world liberation war against imperialism.

The guerrilla is the organizational form of proletarian internationalism in the metropole. It is the subject of the reconstruction of proletarian politics on the international level. For us proletarian internationalism means first of all to deepen the confrontation with the imperialist bourgeois in our area. It trusts the same rigidly centralized and integrated system of domination with the transmission and amplification of the effects of our attacks along the entire chain. But if this is obvious, it is however necessary to clarify that this should be interpreted precisely in accordance with our slogans:

disarticulate the process of imperialist counter-revolution by carrying the attack to the vital centers of the State, because it is certain that any attack of whatever intensity on secondary contradictions won’t produce the same impact in this direction.

Secondly, proletarian internationalism means taking action in the process of the generalization of the guerrilla on the European continent.

The RAF (Red Army Fraction) in West Germany, the NAPAP (Armed Nuclei for Popular Autonomy) in France, and the independence movements with a socialist character, precisely because they are situated on the same front and attack their respective national sections of the same enemy-the imperialist bourgeois-form essential points of reference for our own struggle with respect to which it is necessary to develop the maximum of historically possible “operational collaboration”, mutual support and solidarity.

For a long time, this problem has been overlooked, for a long time it was exchanged for the necessary choice of a “national” starting point for guerrilla initiative and organization, a limiting choice whose limits have now become insufferable. The growth and strength of our organization (which we note with great realism and due modesty), the powerful development of class war throughout the European continent, are indications from the most advanced elements of the international proletariat which impose a new task upon us: moving forward, with every possible initiative, for the political integration of the forces and of the Communist Organizations who fight in Europe within an anti-imperialist strategy.

“Political integration” should not be understood as “international terrorism” as the trombones of psychological warfare scream; because that is already in existence: it is the monstrous, bloody machinery of imperialism.

Political integration means for us, constructive debate, ongoing investigation of the programs, tactics and strategies of all the areas of struggle which weld together in fact the Combatant Communist Organizations of Europe, which are a point of reference for the entire European proletariat.

We are convinced that “breaking the isolation” creates the conditions for much broader common action by the Combatant Communist Organizations in Europe which will be a test case for the coming period, in which is measured the level of maturity they have reached and which forms the possibility for a major advance in the class war in Europe.

Moreover, following the double massacres of Stammheim and Mogadishu, the continental dimensions within which the strategy of the revolutionary class war for communism is calibrated has been made clear to the entire combatant vanguard engaged in struggle (in every country in Europe). It was no mere surge of solidarity or even a manifestation of “democratic horror and outrage” which confronted the “final solution” carried out by the German government. On the contrary, the essential character of the offensive response is that of a common identification of the imperialist bourgeois and of its German section as the main enemy of the entire metropolitan proletariat and of its liberation struggle for a communist society.

The anti-imperialist and unitary character of the class war became immediately clear to to everyone, everywhere, although it takes place in specific forms and with its own tempo in each country. Forms and tempos defined by the political and economic unequal development which remains an absolute law of capitalism-as was established by Lenin-and from which derives the possibility of an initial victory for socialism in some countries or even in only a single country separately.

The 18th of October finally revealed that a new offensive proletarian internationalism has matured in the consciousness of the combatant vanguards, outside and against the suffocating and duplicitous rhetoric of the reformist and revisionist left.

Some have observed that this offensive response, should not be overestimated because it is still fundamentally “spontaneous”. If that is the case, all that remains is for the guerrilla Organizations to concentrate this impulse, this tendency, this vast and profound need, and render it more mature, stronger and organized.

Proletarian internationalism, in conclusion, is no pure and simple declaration of principle for us, it means taking up a position alongside all those fighting against imperialism in every part of the world, and in particular in the middle east region, alongside the heroic Palestinian people, aware that as long as this horrible monster is not completely destroyed, the liberation struggle for communism is not over!

Proletarians of all countries unite

Carry the attack to the imperialist state of the multinationals

Disarticulate and destroy the centers of the imperialist counter-revolution

Create and organize armed proletarian power everywhere

Unify the revolutionary movement in the construction of the Combatant Communist Party